West Papua – Exploitation next to the Paradise of Self-Discovery and Improvement

This blog is part of the series “Ignored Conflicts” by the Peace & Conflict program at Polis180.

Next to the paradise of spiritual self-improvement for Western people, a fight against oppression and exploitation of nature has been ongoing for several decades. Similar to many of the other conflicts covered in this blog series, the conflict in West Papua has its origins in a violent colonial past. It combines historical grievances with the modern challenges of natural resource exploitation, cultural marginalization and geopolitical interests. While Indonesia uses military power as well as social, political and economic means to maintain control over the territory, the suffering and aspiration of the indigenous Papuans remain largely hidden by international silence. 

A blog by Carlos Apel

Colonial Shadows and their long-lasting Impact

Rooted in Dutch colonial history, the Papua conflict has been an ongoing low-intensity guerrilla war between the Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM) and the Indonesian government as well as its armed forces since 1962. The former colony Dutch East Indies included the territory of today’s Indonesia and the island of New Guinea. After a successful war of independence, the Republic of Indonesia gained sovereignty over the main part of the Dutch East Indies at the end of 1949, while West Papua remained as Dutch New Guinea under the control of the Netherlands. Claiming to be the legal successor to the Dutch East Indies, Indonesia also demanded the rest of the territory. However, the declaration of West Papua’s independence on 1 December 1961 was contrary to the plans of the then Indonesian President Sukarno. He claimed ‘Irian’, as he called Papua, and called on the Indonesian people to liberate it from Dutch colonial rule in his famous Trikora speech on 19 December 1961. Following unsuccessful negotiations with the Netherlands, Papua was occupied through a Soviet-Indonesian military operation. The involvement of the Soviet Union led to an intervention of the USA, which resulted in the New York Agreement in 1962. Based on that, the Netherlands handed Papua over to the UN and subsequently to Indonesia in 1963. Following the requirements of the New York Agreement, the Indonesian government held a referendum on the independence of West Papua in 1969, but only allowed people selected in advance by the Indonesian army to vote. These people were then subjected to death threats from the military. This „Act of Free Choice“ led to an unanimous vote in favor of the Indonesian government and was accepted by the UN. 

More than Sixty Years of a Low-Intensity Guerilla War

In the context of the military occupation of West Papua in 1962 and and the ensuing political events, the Papua Free Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM) was formed. Since then, it has been waging a low-intensity guerilla war against the Republic of Indonesia and its armed forces. The following decades were characterised by resistance by the indigenous population, including violent actions of the armed OPM, against the Indonesian administration and repression by Indonesian security forces. During the Suharto dictatorship from 1967 to 1998, countless human rights violations took place to which tens of thousands of Papuans fell victim. Indonesian security forces have conducted a series of military operations targeting both the armed OPM and unarmed pro-independence Papuans. Also, a massive transmigration of Indonesians to West Papua started in 1970, which significantly changed the composition of the population. Indigenous Papuans, who see themselves as part of the Pacific cultural area of the Melanesians, have made up less than half of West Papua’s population of around 5.4 million since 2010. In the mid-2000s the Indonesian government changed its strategy from trying to capture armed OPM key actors to motivate them into cooperation by offering of money and jobs. Despite this, armed clashes between the armed OPM and Indonesian armed forces have increased in geographical scope, intensity and frequency since 2018. The armed forces in West Papua are involved in torture and extrajudicial killings. This intensified from 2021 on, after the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) were classified as ‘terrorists’. Alarmingly, the number of uninvolved civilians injured and killed from both sides is increasing. Since the beginning of the conflict 100,000 to 500,000 people have been killed, mainly indigenous Papuans. The wide range of the number illustrates how restricted any access to the conflict area has been for decades.

Nowadays, the political situation of West Papua is described as a type of internal colonisation. The indigenous population suffers from daily surveillance and intimidation by the Indonesian military and police, racism, political violence, and the results of the exploitation of natural resources as well as from regional division. Many were tortured, detained or killed. Only in 2024, 75,000 internally displaced persons were estimated. Furthermore, the Indonesian military forces use specifically sexual violence against indigenous women to force displacements. Furthermore, public demands for independence or the display of the flag of West Papua, the morning star flag (Bintang Kejora), are criminalised. Freedom of expression and assembly is severely restricted and there is no free press. Foreign journalists have had virtually no access to West Papua since 1967.

A Decentralised Independence Movement fighting a Power-Securing Political-Economic Class

To understand the character of the conflict as well as the needed complexity for a possible peacebuilding process, a closer look on the conflict parties is crucial. As stated before, the armed conflict lies between the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Papua Movement (OPM). On one side, this was not entirely unambiguous. The OPM must not be understood as a united organisation, but rather as a “highly decentralised movement”. It consists of several different factions with various levels of organisation, which often act in competitive solidarity and not as a strategic collective. There are roughly three groups that can be assigned to the military part of the OPM or so-called “armed OPM”, such as the TPNPB. In addition to the West Papuan military groups, there is also the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), established in 2014, as a political wing of the OPM. The ULMWP unites different political independence movements. The relationship between the ULMWP and the military groups is questionable. Former members of the armed OPM are now part of the political structures. In 2019, the ULMWP stated that the West Papuan armed groups would have merged into the West Papuan Army under the command of the ULMWP, while the TPNPB denied that. In addition, the organisation is currently subject to internal power struggles. The decentralised and small-scale structure of the armed groups, as well as the lack of political representation by a possible supervisory body, are major obstacles to opening negotiations and coordinating solution processes.

On the other side, there is no flawless democratic state with transparent intentions either. Despite presenting itself as a functioning democracy, the Republic of Indonesia is governed by individuals from the homogenous socio-economic class, which can also be described as an elective oligarchy. This undemocratic tradition is perfectly illustrated in the newly elected president Prabowo Subianto, who comes from one of Indonesia’s richest families, the ex-son-in-law of the dictator Suharto and one of his former army generals. Moreover, he is allegedly involved in war crimes and kidnapping pro-democracy activists. As his vice-president candidate he chose Gibran Rakabuming Raka, the son of his predecessor. Constitutionally, he was three years too young to be vice-president, but the Supreme Court, led by Anwar Usman, the brother-in-law of former president Joko Widodo, rejected the appeal. To maintain their power, the different political leaders needed to oppress West Papua because of two main reasons. First, they have always seen Indonesia as the successor state to the Dutch East Indies and therefore claim the entire territory of the former colony. In this understanding, the Indonesian state cannot relinquish West Papua without jeopardising its own legitimacy. ‘From Sabang to Merauke’ is a common saying in Indonesia: the island of Sabang near Sumatra forms the western end of the country and Merauke on New Guinea the eastern end. If Merauke falls away, the ruling class in Jakarta fears the disintegration of the country and with it the end to their power. 

Second, the income generated by the exploitation of the massive occurrence of natural resources of West Papua accounts for an existential share of government revenue. The island is a gold mine – in the truest sense of the word. It is home to one of the worlds largest gold and copper mines, the Grasberg mine. Furthermore, West Papua is rich in oil and natural gas reserves. Additionally, New Guinea is home to the largest remaining rainforest in Asia. Tens of thousands of hectares of it fall victim to the chain saw every year and become tropical timber, palm oil plantations are increasingly replacing the jungle. All this means huge tax revenues for the Indonesian state, but additionally gigantic environmental pollution and human rights violations against indigenous people. Moreover, the Indonesian army is directly involved in the commodities trade. Because only 30% of its budget is covered by the state, it has to finance itself to a large extent through its own economic activities. Taking that into account it becomes clear that the political-economical elite and the armed forces both need the exploitation of West Papua to maintain their power and wealth.

An Overview of the Actor Constellation of the Conflict

Republic of Indonesia	vs.	Free Papua Movement (Organisasi Papua Merdeka, OPM)
Political and economic elite in personnel union → new president (strongly linked to the economic elite)		Military Groups of the Free Papua Movement → includes at least the following groups:	← Supports/ Controversial political high command over the military groups	United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) → Political umbrella organisation of the Free Papua Movement
Indonesian armed forces		West Papua Revolutionary Army (TRWP, Tentara Revolusi West Papua)		Federal Republic of West Papua (NRFPB)
Indonesian National Police		West Papuan National Army (TNPB, Tentara Nasional Papua Barat)		West Papua National Liberation Coalition (WPNCL)
		West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB, Tentara Pembebasan Nasiona Papua Barat) → denied the political high command of the ULMWP		National Parliament of West Papua (NPWP)

Silenced by Profit and Geopolitics at the Expense of Human Rights

It may seem surprising that this long-running conflict in the same country as one of the world’s most popular destinations for travellers seeking meditation, mindfulness, self-improvement and inner peace – Bali – has not been the subject of more international action, or at least discussion. The international community’s interest in Indonesia as a profitable trading partner explains its disregard for the suffering of the Papuans. For example, the trade volume between Germany and Indonesia was around €7.8 billion in 2023. Indonesia is also a major importer of defence equipment from Germany, France, and especially the USA. Criticism of Indonesian politics regarding Papua could endanger these economic relations. Not only Indonesian companies are involved in the exploitation of the natural resources, but also by Western companies. For example, the aforementioned Grasberg mine is 49% owned by a US mining company. As a result of these factors, Western states are suspiciously quiet when it comes to the situation of the Papuans to protect the profit interests of their companies. But Western countries are not the only ones interested in good relations with Indonesia. Russia and Indonesia also have a long-standing link in terms of defence purchases. This has been enhanced by recent talks between Russia’s top security official and former defence minister, Sergei Shoigu, and Indonesia’s president and defence minister. Indonesia is a strong regional power and therefore a very important geopolitical partner, especially in the context of the rising systemic rivalry between the West, Russia and China. Moreover it plays a crucial role within ASEAN as a geopolitical mediator as well as a member of the BRICS group. To strengthen the relationship with Indonesia, Australia supports the Indonesian military by providing funding and training.

A Dream Deferred: Searching for Justice in a Labyrinth of Power

Various interest groups have been calling for a peaceful conflict resolution process for years. The Papuans demand an approach that does not only focus on economic development and the expansion of infrastructure. Rather, all dimensions of the conflict (economic, political, marginalisation and racial) should be taken into account and a dialogue initiated that is steered by a neutral third party. Furthermore, a sustainable solution for the ongoing conflict should be based on the values and culture of the Indigenous Papuans because they solve their disputes between tribes through cultural mechanisms. But considering the capitalist interest of international corporations as well as the military power of the Indonesian government and its will to use it, none of these solutions seem to be realistic. Moreover, under the new president Prabowo Subianto a further dismantling of democratic structures is to be expected. It is questionable what impact the pending binding date for a visit by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to West Papua will have.challenges, combat terrorism, and promote sustainable development. The military junta’s step towards Russia could hold opportunities for new partnerships but also pose the risk of geopolitical dependencies and further instability – while anti-civilian violence and propaganda are gaining the upper hand. However, the durability of an alliance with an actor such as Russia is generally to be questioned. Burkina Faso remains trapped in a cycle of intensifying violence and fragile power structures. With no clear path to peace, Burkina Faso remains stuck in a vicious cycle of violence, repression, and international neglect – leaving its people caught between the competing interests of domestic and foreign powers.

Carlos Apel (he/him) joined Polis180 in 2024 and is participating in the EUROMAT project as part of the Polis180 campaign for the 2025 German federal elections. He studied Politics and Law with a focus on European and international issues in Münster, Dublin and Berlin. His research contains mainly topics in the field of international security, arms control and European studies.

The Polis Blog serves as a platform at the disposal of ‘Polis180’s & ‘OpenTTN‘s members. Published comments express solely the ‘authors’ opinions and shall not be confounded with the opinions of the editors or of Polis180.

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