Between Neocolonialism and Jihad: The Overlooked Conflict in Burkina Faso

This blog is part of the series “Ignored Conflicts” by the Peace & Conflict program at Polis180.

The ongoing crisis in Burkina Faso, which has been largely neglected by the international (western) community has deep roots in a combination of jihadist extremism, political instability and lasting colonial legacies. While deeply intertwined with the broader regional conflict in the Central Sahel, Burkina Faso grapples with a distinct internal crisis. Since the surge in violence from local and international jihadist groups in the country, millions of civilians have been displaced and exposed to extreme violence. The government has been unable to secure the country – neither with the support of former French nor the current Russian troops. The two military coups in 2022 further destabilised the country, while a geopolitical shift away from France and the West in general towards Russia highlighted the shifting political sentiment within the country and its ruling military junta. The developments paint the story and future of a country struggling for sovereignty and stability while constituting a geopolitical pawn of external powers and jihadist groups in the battle for power and resources. As armed jihadist groups and the Burkinabé military fight for supremacy at the expense of the civilian population, the crisis in Burkina Faso has become one of the most neglected conflicts in the world.

A blog by Melissa Amann

Between Colonial Shadows and Extremism 

Following the 2015 inauguration of the first (semi-free) democratically elected President Kaboré, a wave of Islamist violence emerged that same year. Local groups such as Ansarul Islam and larger networks like JNIM began targeting state institutions, security forces and civilians, aiming at widening their territorial influence as well as securing their political influence in the Sahel region. The attacks, which escalated rapidly, were particularly concentrated in the areas bordering Mali and Niger and were fueled by local rivalries over gold mining sites, as well as grievances against the government’s repressive policies. The government’s inability to maintain security and ongoing issues of social conflicts arising from land and resource redistribution as well as poverty – 41.4% of Burkinabé living below the poverty line by 2018– resulted in disillusionment among the population and growing mistrust towards the political elites. Additionally, France’s ongoing resource extraction and military presence contributed to its reputation as a neo-colonial power, further fueling dissatisfaction with civilian leaders who were seen as overly sympathetic towards French interests and obstructing national development and economic growth.

Amid these challenges, public dissatisfaction grew, culminating in uprisings and political chaos. Putschists took advantage of the “anti-colonial heroes” narrative, gaining widespread support. In 2022, President Kaboré was overthrown by two military coups, first under Lieutenant Colonel Damiba and later under Traoré. In 2023 the newly formed military junta (Traoré) demanded the exit of the French troops and diplomats, marking a geopolitical turning point regarding Burkina Faso’s emancipation from its former colonial power France. However, interpreting the coups and recent enclosure of Burkina Faso from France and the West as an anti-colonial revolution would be short-sighted and a misinterpretation of the actual events, as not only a democratically elected president was overthrown, but the junta failed to call for new elections and instead imposed harsher repression on civilians. 

Simultaneously, Islamist groups capitalized on the political vacuum, using the ensuing instability and humanitarian crises to increase their influence. The Global Terrorism Index (GTI) 2024 identifies Burkina Faso as the country most affected by terrorism in 2023, with approximately 2,000 deaths attributed to jihadist violence, accounting for nearly a quarter of global terrorism-related deaths. By December 2024, around 3 million people – 10% of the population – had been forcibly displaced, largely due to militant Islamist groups controlling roughly 60% of the country’s territory. A major driver of displacement stems also from violence carried out by Burkinabé security forces, who target civilians suspected of aiding insurgents under the disguise of counterterrorism. 

Buried in shadows: Why the global (western) media chooses to look the other way

In 2023, the Norwegian Refugee Council named Burkina Faso the world’s most neglected crisis for the second consecutive year. Amidst times, when the number of conflicts occurring globally is at its peak, the neglect of individual conflicts appears to be a political, despite fatal, choice. Further, political motivations are at the root of international ignorance. 

Burkina Faso displays a constant conflict region with limited to no significant political and media structure to allow and foster international media coverage. Concerning internal political events, explanations can be found in the interplay between restricted access for media and aid organizations, severe funding shortages, and rising attacks on aid workers. Since 2018, attacks on health workers have forced many to abandon their posts, worsening the crisis as long-term solutions remain underfunded. Furthermore, the availability of statistics (especially regarding internally displaced people) has been significantly reduced due to the military junta’s discontinuation of reporting, as well as the suppression of regime-critical reporting and the intimidation of journalists. Additionally with the Islamist militant groups JNIM and ISWAP operating transnationally in the Sahel region, one may argue that the country would get lost in the mass of conflicts of this kind, as well as reports about the broader Sahel region.

While these factors reasonably explain the media coverage shortage, a deeper, more critical perspective may reveal additional underlying reasons. It is safe to say that the country’s development of growing anti-Western sentiment and accusations of neo-colonialism coincide with a rapprochement with Russia, does not fall on fertile ground in the West, limiting demands for support by former partners or colonial powers like France. The foundation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in September 2023 —comprising Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger— marks a clear breach with Western-aligned regional structures such as ECOWAS. This alliance symbolizes a collective push for greater regional autonomy and the governments’ reclamation of control over resources, territories, and security policies. The withdrawal from ECOWAS reflects profound frustration with the bloc’s inability to effectively address transnational terrorism in the Sahel, coupled with a perception of its policies as being overly influenced by Western interests. In its pivot away from Western structures and the withdrawal of the French troops in 2023, Burkina Faso has strengthened ties with Russia, particularly through the deployment of the Africa Corps (formerly Wagner Group) in January 2024. The Russian mercenary group has been said to support the military junta (Traoré), especially after its extension of transition rule by five years as of July 2024, rather than focusing on improving security by combating jihadist groups. Africa Corps has repeatedly been accused of committing grave human rights violations and, alongside security forces, has been implicated in war crimes and crimes against humanity —primarily against the rural population of Burkina Faso and other African states where they operate. These abuses range from torture and sexual and gender-based violence to accelerated and indiscriminate executions. Women and children are frequently targeted, serving as instruments of terror to instill fear and exert control. However, critical voices raised concerns regarding Russia’s main interest in Burkina Faso being the country’s gold mines, following Moscow’s geopolitical strategy in Africa that leverages security cooperation to further its economic and political interests. 

A storm on the horizon: Drones and the fight for sovereignty

The future of Burkina Faso appears increasingly grim, shaped by escalating violence, political instability, and the growing influence of armed Islamic groups opposing the Burkinabé military junta. Civilians have become the focus of violence by jihadist groups as well as Russian mercenaries and pro-government militias, with both groups trying to use the civilian population for their own side and/or intimidate them so as not to join the other. The use of modified commercial drones by both sides of the conflict signals a shift toward more technology-driven guerrilla tactics and introduces new risks to human security. The employment of drone warfare – surveillance, monitoring as well as targeted strikes – and remote-controlled violence, especially by jihadist groups especially in the north of the country, can be expected to increase. 

On the international level, Burkina Faso’s relations and conversations with the West remain deteriorated. The country’s withdrawal from ECOWAS risks deepening political isolation and economic disruption. Regional stability now hinges on the AES’s ability to address security challenges, combat terrorism, and promote sustainable development. The military junta’s step towards Russia could hold opportunities for new partnerships but also pose the risk of geopolitical dependencies and further instability – while anti-civilian violence and propaganda are gaining the upper hand. However, the durability of an alliance with an actor such as Russia is generally to be questioned. Burkina Faso remains trapped in a cycle of intensifying violence and fragile power structures. With no clear path to peace, Burkina Faso remains stuck in a vicious cycle of violence, repression, and international neglect – leaving its people caught between the competing interests of domestic and foreign powers.

Melissa Amann (she/her) joined Polis180 in 2024 and actively contributes to the “Gender & International Politics” and “Peace and Conflict” programs. She studied Public Governance across Borders in Münster, Enschede, and Madrid and is currently pursuing her master’s in Development Studies at the University of Vienna. Her research focuses on human rights, with a particular emphasis on women’s* rights and international governance.

The Polis Blog serves as a platform at the disposal of ‘Polis180’s & ‘OpenTTN‘s members. Published comments express solely the ‘authors’ opinions and shall not be confounded with the opinions of the editors or of Polis180.

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